The role of animacy and definiteness in the clitic-DP nexus
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We extend Cuervo's (2003) analysis of the Lower Applicative Dative DP in Spanish to account for the animate definite DP preceded by a and the fact that it is not possible to have both an animate dative definite direct object and a dative indirect object in the same clause. We argue that the presence of such a dative DP 'blocks' the upward movement of the direct object DP to the specifier of the Lower Applicative phrase. We analyse the case 'mismatch' between the third person accusative clitic and the co-referring dative DP with animate definite reference in River Plate Spanish as resulting from the raising of the accusative clitic to the head of the Applicative phrase and the movement of the DP to its specifier, where dative case is always assigned in Spanish. We propose that similar phenomena observed in some Australian languages are amenable to a similar analysis.
Selected papers from the 2005 conference of the Australian Linguistic Society
© 2006 Eisenchlas & Laughren. This is the author-manuscript version of the paper. It is posted here with permission of the copyright owner for your personal use only. No further distributions permitted. For information about the 2005 Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society please refer to the publisher's website or contact the author. First published in Proceedings of the 2005 Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society.