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dc.contributor.convenorMs Claire Pomeryen_AU
dc.contributor.authorDi Piramo, Danielaen_US
dc.date.accessioned2017-05-03T14:07:16Z
dc.date.available2017-05-03T14:07:16Z
dc.date.issued2008en_US
dc.date.modified2010-01-14T07:06:04Z
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10072/28286
dc.description.abstractAccording to Max Weber, charismatic leaders are extraordinary individuals who have the ability to mobilise their followers on the strength of their personal attributes; endowed as they are with authority that is as powerful and tumultuous as it is fleeting, they often challenge the status quo and thereby claim their place in history as revolutionaries. In practice, revolutions are problematic political processes for these leaders: they favour the pursuit of their goals outside institutional boundaries, but as their power is usually transient, practical and structural constraints oblige them to engage with the institutional system in order to keep the charismatic relationship alive, albeit in diluted form. Most importantly, institutionalisation is a way of delivering and preserving socio-political change. Nobody understood this better than the recently retired Fidel Castro who, in spite of his disdain for impersonal institutions and his dislike of the bureaucracy, set out to institutionalise the Cuban revolution and cultivate revolutionary consciousness in Cuban society by presenting the revolution to the people as part of a greater historical movement against tyranny and oppression, a progressive struggle for which every participant is rewarded with membership in the creation of a new superior social order. In contrast to explanations that emphasise lust for personal power, this paper argues that Castro's primary aim was to ensure that the ideals underpinning the revolution would outlast the short-lived enthusiasm of personal transitory attachments. However, this process of 'personalised institutionalisation' has led to a paradoxical predicament: the imposition of revolutionary ideals on Cuba's civil society means that those ideals can no longer be logically defined as progressive. Subsequently, as the means undermine the end, the power relations that underlie this political process have turned out to be almost as oppressive as those that they are meant to challenge, thereby illustrating the antithetical and self-defeating nature of revolutions from above.en_US
dc.description.publicationstatusYesen_AU
dc.languageEnglishen_US
dc.language.isoen_AU
dc.publisherNo data provideden_US
dc.publisher.urihttp://www.polsis.uq.edu.au/apsa-2008-conference-homepageen_AU
dc.relation.ispartofstudentpublicationNen_AU
dc.relation.ispartofconferencenameAustralasian Political Science Association 2008 Conferenceen_US
dc.relation.ispartofconferencetitleAll in the Name of Revolution: Fidel Castro, Charisma and the Personalized Institutionalization of Cubaen_US
dc.relation.ispartofdatefrom2008-07-06en_US
dc.relation.ispartofdateto2008-07-09en_US
dc.relation.ispartoflocationUniversity of Queensland, Brisbaneen_US
dc.rights.retentionYen_AU
dc.subject.fieldofresearchPolitical Theory and Political Philosophyen_US
dc.subject.fieldofresearchcode160609en_US
dc.titleAll in the Name of Revolution: Fidel Castro, Charisma and the Personalized Institutionalization of Cubaen_US
dc.typeConference outputen_US
dc.type.descriptionE2 - Conference Publications (Non HERDC Eligible)en_US
dc.type.codeE - Conference Publicationsen_US
gro.facultyGriffith Business School, School of Government and International Relationsen_US
gro.date.issued2008
gro.hasfulltextNo Full Text


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    Contains papers delivered by Griffith authors at national and international conferences.

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